On Trump: Elias, Civilization and Trump

 

Last  summer I read the phenomenal study The Civilizing Process by the eminent sociologist Norbert Elias.[1] some of his findings can be applied to understand the rise of authoritarianism in the West as embodied in the political career of President Trump. This article will present some of the theoretical underpinnings of Elias’ work, then apply them to the US Anno 2016-17, and end with some observations derived from the psychologist Julian Jaynes.

On a theoretical level there are two dualities Elias explicitly tries to overcome.

1) The duality between an alleged independent individual and an independent society standing over and against the individual as if it’s a thing. He makes the case that a) society is nothing more than the pattern of human relations, and that b) humans are, as far as their personality structures are concerned, the product and carriers of these relations.

2) The duality between a-historical psychology and a-psychological history. Elias makes the case that a) personality structures have a history inherently correlated with societal developments, and that b) historical developments are often the product of changing personality structures.

The empirical material to back up his theories are derived from the history of the West from the 12th till the 20th century, where he sees a civilizing process happening in the development of trend-setting upper class exemplars, going from knightly warriors to aristocratic courtiers to bourgeois entrepreneurs to highly educated professionals, who all displayed their own peculiar psychologies in the way their personalities were structured by an inter-connected set of a) subconscious ingrained, b) half-conscious habitual and c) conscious deliberate modes of impulse controls formative of their social behavior, speech acts and feelings of shame and pride, in short, their sense of self.

The arc of development was from relative low impulse control with its attendant violence and insensitivity towards others to increased impulse control, less violence and increased social sensitivity towards people further away in one’s chains of interconnections. At the same time, and reciprocally causal, the structure of society changes from relatively decentralized, conflictuous and arbitrary, to a centralization of political power and taxation, monopolization of violence, pacification of towns and rural areas, and increased interdependence.

The main point of Elias is that the changes in society and changes in personality structures are two sides of the same coin; that the processes of socio-genesis and psycho-genesis are to be conceptualized as one process, which he named the ‘civilizing process’ by which individuals are configured by their social relations from birth on, and subsequently also become the carriers of these configurations which they then pass on. At the same time this process is not just repetitive, but changes slowly over the centuries in spurts and counter-spurts towards increased impulse control, rationality, experientiality and sensitivity.

But the process is not without tensions and conflicts, though their nature also changes in the civilization process going from more inter-personal tensions and their resolution through violence, towards more intra-personal conflict, i.e. tension within one’s own mind-space between natural impulses and internalized control mechanisms. Unfortunately for many people this inner tension might lead to unsatisfactory lives and for some even to break-down, institutionalization, or suicide. At the same time ever larger parts of a population can live a more secure, fulfilling and civilized life.

And then there is the danger of collective regressions or civilizational ‘counter-spurts’ when substantial parts of the population, for whatever reason, deliberately reject both outer and inner impulse-control mechanisms and start railing against elites, regulations, taxes, political correctness, feminism, environmentalism and outsiders. Instead they start to extol nationalism, militarism, authoritarianism, political violence, repressive security measures and censorship. When such a counter-spurt gets politically organized we are dealing with authoritarianism, and here in the US with a soft, Amero-fascist variant in the form of Trumpism. For a deeper understanding of this phenomenon one has to turn to a budding academic research program under the name of political ponerology, or the “science on the nature of evil adjusted for political purposes”, about which I will report later more.[3] 

Regarding ‘sense of self’ I think that most people are acculturated into one kind of ‘sense of self’ or another, one more individualized, the other more collective, but still ‘sense of self’ nevertheless.

What comes into play too is the differentiation between a) philosophical concepts of self; b) social-scientific concepts of self; c) religious concepts of self and d) ordinary ‘popular’ concepts of self which might be more implicit and tacit.

My now preferred concept of self is to bring out this semi-private, imagined, inner mind-space-time construct in which an analog ‘I’ moves around in an imagined duplicate of the world and also projects a metaphor ‘me’ into different hypothetical scenarios and spaces, all the while trying to reconcile its different parts by fitting them into our life-story narrative, and with the whole infused with self-conscious emotions of remembered and expected feelings of shame, pride, duty, repugnance, pleasure and pain.

According to Jaynes this sense of self rose out of the ‘bicameral mind’ some-when between 2,000 and 1,000 BCE in the Middle East and is still spreading through the world and qualitatively changing, which brings me back to Elias who seems to have caught sight of its changes in the West from the Middle Ages into modernity.

Naperville, 16 Oct 2016
Initially posted on Facebook

[1]. Elias, Norbert. 2000 (1939). The Civilizing Process: Sociogenetic and Psychogenetic Investigations. rev. edn, Oxford: Blackwell.

[2]. Jaynes, Julian 1976. The Origin of Consciousness in the Breakdown of the Bicameral Mind. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin.

[3]. Schuller, Govert. “On Trump: The Aspiring Pathocrat“. Alpheus. 24 Feb 2017.

On Trump: The Splitting of the Libertarian Movement

It looks to me that the libertarian movement, like the GOP and the Tea Party, is falling apart over the Trump phenomenon. One faction sees Trump as someone who is ignorant of, even a danger to, libertarian and constitutional principles and therefore should not be followed, while another faction thinks Trump will restore a coveted free market, repeal trade agreements, and will take on the statist establishment.

Maybe the most important libertarian voice to have turned against Trump is of the grand old man of libertarian politics, Ron Paul, and he doesn’t mince words:

“Trump’s notoriety comes from his aggressive nature and his personal attacks on individuals as well as groups, along with his bold proposals to violate civil liberties. He never abdicates ideological position, but portrays himself as a strong efficient boss for the people. He forcefully promotes an authoritarian type of government. Trump is a bully, not a physical bully, a verbal bully and that is combined with the overblown fears generated by the possibility of violent attacks against us. In reality Trump, in spite of his bombast is a fraud.”[1]

Besides Paul also libertarian luminaries like Jacob Hornberger, founder and president of The Future of Freedom Foundation, and Ludwig von Mises scholar Dr. Richard Ebeling sound the alarm about Trump. In a recorded conversation both men could agree that of the remaining Republican candidates Trump poses the biggest danger to freedom because of his arrogance, authoritarianism, playing to the lowest common denominator, and strongman inclinations.[2]

Former New Mexico governor and leader of the Libertarian Party Gary Johnson is also opposed to Trump. He thinks some of Trump’s positions are “just whacked—just nuts. Holy cow! It’s crazy!”[3] His party’s chairman compared Trump’s positions with theirs and does not see much in common.[4]

Another anti-Trump libertarian worth mentioning is radio talk show host Glenn Beck. He quoted medical professionals who think that Trump is a “pathological narcissistic sociopath” and warned that “Donald Trump or anyone that is a big government progressive with narcissistic tendencies who will preach populism and nationalism in a time of economic and social unrest is a dangerous road to go down.”[5]

Then there is a growing group of pro-Trump libertarians, many of whom have come out since Ron Paul dropped out of the presidential race. For example the editors of LewRockwell.com, Walter Block and Donald Miller, have started Libertarians for Trump based on their assessment that Trump is the “the most congruent with our perspective”.[6] The Tea Party movement seems to back Trump through Sarah Palin’s incoherent endorsement and by other TP founders.[7] And conspiricist-in-chief Alex Jones is also on board based on alleged insider rumors fed to him by former Trump confidante and political strategist Roger Stone and author and conspiracy theorist Jerome Corsi. Jones now thinks that “Trump is for real”, meaning Trump is aware of the New World Order cabal and will oppose it “above ground” once in office as Jones has done for years “underground”.[8]

And then there are the dissidents in the different organizations. For example, founders of RonPaul.org have officially distanced themselves from Ron Paul and see Trump as “the only rational choice left in the presidential race for those of us who hold liberty dear.”[9] And some prominent Tea Party members have turned against Trump calling him a “wolf in sheep’s clothing”.[10]

All in all, the Trump phenomenon is not only polarizing the country, but more interestingly, all major conservative movements and parties with the possible effect of outright schisms. The reason why this is happening is in my opinion that libertarian and status quo conservatives with a medium to high authoritarian disposition are increasingly perceiving both real and imaginary threats such that their intolerance levels are increasing and become attracted to an authoritarian, fascist-lite conservative like Trump.[11]

It looks to me that their need for a bullying strongman to take on the political establishment trumps their sense of individualistic liberty and personal responsibility, and that they are ready to “walk away” from most of the thousand and one little and big deals which keeps this country together.

Naperville, 31 Mar 2016.
Originally posted on Facebook.

[1]. Paul, Ron. “Donald Trump: The Establishment Candidate“. Liberty Report. 18 Dec 2015.

[2]. Hornberger, Jacob & Richard Ebeling. “Libertarian Angle: Why People Are Supporting Trump“. The Future of Freedom Foundation. 22 Mar 2016.

[3]. Gillespie, Nick. “Exclusive: Gary Johnson Running For President, Call Trump’s Plans “Just Whacked – Just Nuts!“. Reason Magazine. 6 Jan 2016.

[4]. Libertarian Party. Press release. “Libertarians versus Donald Trump“.

[5]. Beck, Glen. Facebook. 26 Jan 2016.

[6]. Block, Walter. “Libertarians for Trump“. LewRockwell.com. 15 Mar 2016.

[7]. Miller, S.A. “Donald Trump enjoys support of tea party movement that refuses to fully embrace him“. The Washington Times. 22 Nov 2015.

[8]. Jones, Alex. “Breaking: New Trump Scandal, Devastating Info Released“. Info Wars. 18 Mar 2016.

[9]. Tim Martin, Esther Anderson, Jeff Hale. “RonPaul.com Founders Endorse Donald Trump for President“. RonPaul.com. 29 feb 2016.

[10]. “Tea Party leader: Trump a wolf in sheep’s clothing“. The Hill. 4 Mar 2016.

[11]. Schuller, Govert. “On Trump: Intolerance and Authoritarianism“. Alpheus. 20 Feb 2017. 

 

On Trump: Diagnosing 301.81 and the Goldwater Rule

During the 2015/16 US presidential primaries consensus emerged among health professionals [1], knowledgeable journalists [2,3,4] and those engaged in amateur diagnoses [5] that the psychological profile of then presidential candidate Donald Trump hovered somewhere between having a (curable) narcissist character trait of a malignant kind and suffering from (irreversible) Narcissistic Personality Disorder (NPD).

Making such a diagnosis has several ethical and legal aspects, especially the Goldwater Rule, which in the case of Trump brings out intriguing historical parallels.

First the diagnosis. In the fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) the NPD is coded as 301.81 with 301 standing for the family of personality disorders and 81 for its specific member ‘narcissistic’. The definition is “a pervasive pattern of grandiosity (in fantasy or behavior), need for admiration, and lack of empathy, beginning by early adulthood and present in a variety of contexts as indicated by five (or more)” of nine different criteria.[6]

The Goldwater Rule is an ethical code in the mental health profession. On one side it prevents professionals from giving to the media a specific professional opinion about another person’s psychological health unless they have conducted an in-depth assessment through personal interaction and obtained the permission of the person in question to release its results. On the other side the rule allows professionals to share with the public their  expertise about mental health issues, but have to do so in general terms.[7]

So they cannot say that a specific person has NPD, but they can say that political candidates are often narcissistic (which sometimes can be good), that narcissism comes in many gradations, and that there are nine diagnostic criteria for NPD, which they may discuss in detail. Meanwhile they will have to leave it to the reader to make up his or her own mind if these criteria are applicable to some public figure or not.[8] Other people are not bound by that rule but are reminded to be careful in using mental health diagnostic tools because their cavalier use can lead to the stigmatization of, and adverse reactions from, those diagnosed.[6,9] One expert warned that especially during hotly contested and emotionally laden political campaigns psychological and political evaluations tend to get confusingly mixed and that the public, including professionals, might fall for unnoticed subconscious reaction patterns (transference and countertransference in psycho-speak) which will cloud their judgements.[10]

The Goldwater Rule originated in the context of the 1964 presidential race between the republican candidate Barry Goldwater and democratic candidate Lyndon Johnson. [9,11] The magazine Fact sent a questionnaire to 12,000 psychiatrists, psychologists and psychotherapists with the main question if Goldwater was psychologically fit to be president. There were other questions and space was left open to make specific comments. 1,200 came back of which a whopping 50% responded in the negative, i.e. they did not think Goldwater was psychologically suitable to be president. Fact published the results with excerpts from the comments. Goldwater then sued the magazine for libel, which case he won because it was proven that the magazine had manipulated some of the comments to make Goldwater look more unhinged than the comments warranted.[12] The profession was embarrassed and instituted a rule to circumscribe what it can say about public figures, which then became known as the Goldwater Rule. Later analyses of the article indicated severe methodological problems with the ‘study’. [10]

But exceptions have been made in the case of foreign leaders like Qaddafi and Saddam Hussein, the former head of the IMF Dominique Strauss-Kahn, and a gaggle of terrorists and school shooters. And the possibility was raised for the justification to break the rule in case a politician would rise to “the level of a national threat”.[9]

Given the above mentioned caveats and given Trump’s policy proposals to deport twelve million illegal immigrants; “grab, grab, grab” from other countries the wealth he thinks is owed to the US; coerce Mexico to pay for a border wall, and threaten nuclear war if they don’t comply; close the borders to legitimate Muslim refugees; run the US like he runs his businesses, which means putting it in one or another kind of strategic bankruptcy; clamp down on free speech; his otherwise abysmal mastery of policy issues; and his callous attitude to women, minorities, journalists and other political candidates; he therefore poses, in my opinion, enough of a national and international danger that the whole world is entitled to a psychological assessment of this person to see if he can be trusted with handling the immense power inherent in the US presidency and not lead the world into some social, economic and/or nuclear disaster.

As some experts have already spoken, the public will have to do its homework.

Naperville, March 19, 2016.
Originally posted on Facebook.

Sources

[1]. Alford, Henry. “Is Donald Trump Actually a Narcissist? Therapists Weight In!” Vanity Fair. 11 Nov 2015.

[2]. Barber, Nigel. “Does Trump Suffer from Narcissistic Personality Disorder?” Psychology Today. 10 Aug 2016 [updated?].

[3]. Kluger, Jeffrey. “The Truth About Donald Trump“. Time. 11 Aug 2016.

[4]. Azarian, Bobby. “A neuroscientist explains: Trump has a mental disorder that makes him a dangerous world leader“. Raw Story. 18 Jan 2016.

[5].Konnikova, Maria. “Less Than Artful Choices: Narcissistic Personality Disorder According to Donald Trump“. Big Think. Early 2016.

[6]. “Diagnostic criteria for 301.81 Narcissistic Personality Disorder“. Behave Net.

[7]. “Ethics Reminder Offered About ‘Goldwater Rule’ on Talking to Media“. Psychiatric News. 18 May 2007.

[8]. “Robert Klitzman on Narcissistic Personality Disorder and Donald Trump“. Bioethics News. 7 Dec 2015.

[9] Friedman, Richard. “How a Telescopic Lens Muddles Psychiatric Insights“. New York Times. 23 May 2011.

[10] Stanley A. Renshon. The Psychological Assessment of Presidential Candidates. New York, NY & Oxon, UK: Routledge, 1998. Pp. 122-145.

[11] Klitzman, Robert. “Should Therapists Analyze Presidential Candidates?“. New York Times. 7 Mar 2016.

[12].  “Goldwater v. Ginzburg“. Case Text.

On Trump: Intolerance and Authoritarianism

 

To make some sense of the chaos in the Republican Party during the primaries and to partially answer the question why conservatives are flocking to Trump to the extent that he won the 2016 US general election, the following:

Political scientist and expert on political authoritarianism Karen Stenner sees three different kinds of conservatism which will be at loggerheads about certain issues and under certain circumstances. The three, with their main representatives now in the US, are: authoritarian conservatism (Trump); status quo conservatism (Romney); and libertarian conservatism (Ron Paul).

Her research focuses on the dynamics which propel people into the authoritarian camp. Her hypothesis can be formalized as follows:

I = A x T.

Intolerance = Authoritarianism x Threat

One’s level of Intolerance is equal to the product of one’s Authoritarian predisposition and one’s experience or perception of real or imagined Threats.

In her own words:

The impact of authoritarianism on intolerance of difference is conditional upon levels of collective (particularly “normative”) threat, such that this relatively stable and enduring predisposition yields more or less intolerant attitudes and behavior depending upon (the experience or perception of) threatening or reassuring conditions.

Her tripartite differentiation of conservatisms together with the idea that intolerance increases with threat perception, might explain the current chaos in the Republican Party. And it’s quite simple.

Because of increased threat perceptions by conservatives, many of the status quo and libertarian conservatives with a higher than average authoritarian disposition are drifting into the authoritarian camp because that faction reflects better their new level of intolerance. Meanwhile those conservatives with a lower authoritarian disposition, especially the libertarians, are fighting back and denounce the leader of the authoritarian camp.

The threats Stenner identifies which trigger intolerance are big divisions in public opinions regarding political matters and political leaders perceived as untrustworthy. Again, in her own words:

Nothing aggravates authoritarians more than feeling that leaders are unworthy of trust and respect, and/or that beliefs are not shared across the community (“normative threat”). And nothing lets down their defenses more than confidence in political leaders and widespread public consensus (“normative reassurance”).

The big question is whether the perceived threats are real and if such threats justify an authoritarian answer, but that’s for another post.

Stenner, Karen. 2009. “Three Kinds of ‘Conservatism'”. Psychological Inquiry, 20: 142–159.

Originally posted on Facebook, March 7, 2016.

On Trump: Trump Positively Mentions Arch-elitist Richard Haass. Why?

In March 2016 Trump mentioned Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass as an “excellent” foreign policy adviser.[1] This created some consternation in some libertarian and conspiricist conservative circles. What is the big deal here?

Why would Trump name the quintessential establishment figure Haass as an excellent (potential) adviser on foreign policy? He probably knows he would alienate, or at least startle, his anti-establishment, anti-status quo followers (let alone the conspiricists and nativists) by mentioning such an elitist policy planner.

I think he is, as usual, opportunistic and is tactically dealing with the increasingly strong head-wind from the establishment–like the very recent denouncement of him by 106 Republican foreign policy advisers–by signaling he might take their advise.[3] Reading some of the reactions it looks like the ploy doesn’t work and Trump is still left to his own skewered wits to formulate an intelligible and intelligent foreign policy beyond the few inane ideas he has presented so far.

For a little deeper background the following;

Chris Rossini, who writes for the Ron Paul Liberty Report, overstated the relationship between Trump and Haass, when he alleged that Haass is now Trump’s foreign policy adviser, which would turn Trump into a hypocritical flip-flopper on his views and use of the establishment.[2] The fact is that Haass does brief presidential candidates, so their August ’15 meeting is not that relevant, and after being mentioned by Trump, Haass put a more than arms-length space between him and Trump.

According to Reuters:

“A spokeswoman for Haass, Iva Zoric, said that he briefed Trump on foreign policy in August 2015. In a tweet late on Thursday, Haass wrote: “I do not endorse candidates. What I have done is offered to brief all candidates, & have briefed several, D(emocrat) & R(epublican) alike.”[1]

More important is that Trump mentioned him at all, and in glowing terms, during the debate last Friday as someone to listen to on foreign policy questions. Trump said:

“I think Richard Haass is excellent. I have a lot of respect for him.”

The importance is that Haass, as pointed out, is president of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), the most influential, bi-partisan, corporate foreign policy think tank in existence. It was the major architect of the post-WWII global (read imperialist) political and economic order when it devised in the 1940s institutions like the UN, IMF and World Bank (and later the WTO). The CFR usually promotes, if not designs, international ‘free’ trade agreements like NAFTA, CAFTA, TPP, etc.

Its roots go back to the Versailles peace conference after WWI at which the American delegation tried to impose some of its policy preferences on the other victors, but were not entirely successful.

It is also hugely influential in the yearly, high-security Bilderberg conferences (with Haass in attendance), starting in the 1950s and still going strong, in which the Western European and North American elites hash out their differences.

The CFR was also the architect of the Trilateral Commission (of which Haass is a member) and G7 ‘summitry’ since the 1970s. The TC coordinates corporate policy preferences between North America, Europe and Japan, with some of the Asian Tigers now also joining. Its initial greatest ‘coup’ was the creation of the Carter administration, which started the implementation of the neoliberal agenda usually associated with Reagan and Thatcher.

In short, and in more political scientific terms, the CFR is the long term policy planning think tank of the Atlantic power elite, and its president has quite some influence by directing that policy planning process.

Either Trump is trying to cozy up to Haass to get access to the brain power of the CFR; or just wants to signal he is more moderate than he looks like; or has no idea who Haass actually is and what crucial position he has in the foreign policy establishment. With Trump we just don’t know.

Originally posted on Facebook, March 6, 2016.

[1]. Warren Strobel, Jonathan Landay and Phil Stewart. “Foreign policy thinkers praised by Trump have divergent views“. Reuters. 4 Mar 2016.

[2]. Rossini, Chris. “Trump Already Surrounding Himself with Establishment Men“. Ron Paul Liberty Report. 6 Mar 2016.

[3]. Staff. “Open Letter on Donald Trump from GOP National Security Leaders“. War on the Rocks. 2 Mar 2016.

Environmental Virtue Ethics–Review

Environmental Virtue Ethics
Philip Cafaro and Ronald D. Sandler (editors)
Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004. Print.

A Review-essay by Josef Mathews

“No Man is an Island,” writes poet John Donne. The idea contained in those words is a profound and timeless truth. It refers to the sea of connections that bind human beings. Environmental Virtue Ethics, edited by Ronald Sandler and Philip Cafaro, echoes this sentiment and extends the concept into the nonhuman world. There is a spider web of links between humans and betwixt humans and nature. The book is a collection of 13 essays penned by academics. They share their views on the topic of human relations with the natural world as well as with each other. While this paper captures the essence of the entire book, special attention is given to ideas in a chapter by Peter Wenz. Nonetheless, the collective message is that if humans live in harmony with each other and with nature, both the natural world and the human species will flourish; otherwise, social problems and environmental degradation multiply.

A tenable claim advanced in the book is that people are interconnected to and interdependent on each other as well as the natural world. Most people will not need complex scientific experiments to be convinced of this idea. Simple observations of causes and effects as they occur in the laboratory of daily life will do. While personal experience is valuable, keen insights on the global biotic community from dedicated and perceptive observers and thinkers of reality expands the band of individual observations. Geoffrey Frasz, in his essay Benevolence as an Environmental Virtue, captures the sentiment of the inextricable link between humans and nature:

We do not exist in the world as isolated, atomic individuals who simply act on objects outside of ourselves. Rather we are relational beings, moral agents who act in specific social, historical, and ecological contexts. …To be human is to dwell in relations with the nonhuman world (133).

While this observation is plain, its acknowledgment has profound implications. Some reflection on this idea will likely persuade the thinker to believe that what he does to the environment he is doing to himself and others. Therefore, out of enlightened self-interest and a genuine concern for everything other than the self, the individual is more inclined to make better behavior choices.

Indeed, actions have consequences. When humans act on the environment the impact can be classified essentially as positive or negative for human and environmental health. Peter Wenz uses a David Korten quote to summarize relations between humans and between humans and nature and the eventual fallout. Japan, a first world nation, in order to dodge pollution on their land, set up a copper smelting operation in the Philippines, a third world nation. The project began with the ejection of local residents from their land. Subsequently, plant contamination diminished local water supplies, fish, and rice. It increased upper-respiratory diseases among local residents who depended on the most dangerous and filthiest jobs at the plant. As a result, the locals suffered while the company owners prospered (201). This example highlights a willful disregard of marginalized people. Clearly, their worth as human beings, in the eyes of the company owners, is not much more than a means to an end. If the owners and other decision makers cared, there would have been significantly more consideration for the well-being of the people that already lived on the land as well as the workers. In fact, it is quite possible that a modicum of concern for people and the environment might have rendered the plan unconscionable.

Think about the hopes and dreams of these workers. A dirty plant which compromises their well-being is not fertile ground to realize their potential. Furthermore, the above example demonstrates that maltreatment of the environment reflects back on human well-being as well. In this case, the residents who dwell near the smelting operation endured the health repercussions associated with the degradation of the environment. To put it simply, at the benefit of a few people, many people suffered and the environment degraded. However, this need not be. If decision makers regard workers as intrinsically valuable and view them as human beings, they will not only ensure the health and safety of workers but also support their personal and professional development. Everyone has the basic rights to clean air, water, and it is a basic truth that all people have gifts and talents. Consultation of human development literature will bolster the idea that although people may have different capacities and abilities, all hold the potential to develop them. It is simply a matter of having the opportunity to flourish.

As often the case is, poor people bear the brunt of consumerism. Peter Wenz defines consumerism as the “ideology that society should maximize consumption, pursue consumption without limit” (198). It is true that humans need to consume. As a matter of fact, everyone depends on the natural world for sustenance; that includes the rich and the poor. However, some are deprived of basic necessities for survival while others overconsume. Wenz writes that “dependence on free sources of food and materials is common in the Third World” (200). However, the pursuit of increased output at times interferes with this access to even the basic supplies. Take, for example, the reduced access to basic nutrients like Vitamin A. The killing of a wild and free source of Vitamin A, bathau, with pesticides in India serves as an example. Ironically, the proliferation of bathau was fanned by the use of artificial fertilizers. One problem with such fertilizers is that poor people cannot afford them (200). The fertilizer was meant to grow high-yield crops. Two problems with this particular crop are their high water requirement and need for artificial fertilizers. Unable to dig deeper wells as well as secure artificial fertilizers, the poorest farmers were rendered incapable of keeping their farms and grow traditional varieties which required less water and no artificial fertilizers. While increased production and profits are not necessarily bad in themselves, it is the existent poor that often suffer. They get pushed deeper into destitution while a minority prospers on profits from fertilizers and pesticides. The lucky farmers who could afford the farming inputs profit from the crops themselves.

In the specific scenario described above, the locals were essentially denied Vitamin A. An unacceptable consequence is the occurrence of blindness among tens of thousands of Indian children every year due to a lack of vitamin A (200). As Wenz demonstrates, the benefits of particular practices are not always enjoyed by everyone. In fact, it negatively impacts vulnerable people. A concern for human welfare needs to be inclusive, and the negative consequences of boosting production need to be balanced against the benefits of freeing resources for optional consumer items. Respect for others should be a pivot point for projects intended to maximize production.

While problems dot the human landscape, so do solutions. The book proposes a strong idea which is a salve for social and environmental problems. It is land-ownership for the masses. Wenz uses another quote by Korten which explains this idea:

Rapid economic growth in low-income countries brings modern airports, television, express highways, and air-conditioned shopping malls … for the fortunate few. It rarely improves living conditions for the many. This kind of growth requires gearing the economy toward exports to earn the foreign exchange to buy the things that wealthy people desire. Thus, the lands of the poor are appropriated for export crops. The former tillers of these lands find themselves subsisting in urban slums on starvation wages paid by sweatshops producing for export. Families are broken up, the social fabric is strained to the breaking point, and violence becomes endemic (202).

An idea that emerges from the above quote is that the lack of land ownership is a contributor to social problems. In fact, other sources confirm this idea. A number of articles filed under World Food & Hunger on The Global Policy Forum website explore the nexus between land ownership and hunger. The page heading captures a basic truth that land is distributed unfairly and this inequity is a key factor to poverty and hunger. Across the globe, land is mostly in the hands of the rich elites, stripping the paupers arguably of the basic right to grow their own food. The principal message in the quote outlines the relationship between groups of humans, expressly the relationship between a small group of landowners and the landless many.

However, there is no need for people to starve, especially if they are willing to work the land to grow their own food. A book originally published in 1995, When Corporations Rule the World by David Korten, asserts that equitable sharing of the earth’s sustainable resources would meet the needs of the population at that time (199). The 2015 third edition of the same book contains the same wording which signifies even today, with the earth bustling with more than seven billion people, there is enough for everyone to survive. Another fertile argument for land ownership on a global scale is that small landowners who depend on their land will be good custodians of the earth because the land sustains them and they have a personal relationship with it. In that scenario both humans and the environment flourish, a universal wish of the essayists in the book.

Peter Wenz underscores other problems that are associated with the integration of traditional societies into the global consumer market. The resulting destitution creates social problems, like child prostitution, which disintegrates the social fabric of societies. Other negative effects are a growing disparity in income between nations and a decrease in global food security. In the year 2000, half the global population’s vitamin and nutritional needs were unmet (202). As mentioned earlier, it is not just humans that suffer; the environment aches as well. Environmental concerns aside, the earth simply does not contain the resources for all its inhabitants to embark on a lifestyle which is on par with the high-income countries (199, 203). An undeniable conclusion is that an insatiable appetite for endless goods and services precipitates social and environmental problems. Therefore, it is in the best interest of the human species and the rest of the earth community for humans to be more considerate consumers.

One approach to solving social and environmental problems is through educating the global population of the consequences of overconsumption along with character development, in particular the cultivation of empathy. People are less likely to jeopardize the well-being of other humans and other living things, no matter which part of the world they live in, if they develop a concern for the other like John Donne observed. Furthermore, one need not stop at living things; respect and reverence can be distributed more broadly to nonliving things like rocks, mountains, streams, and rivers. After all, all of these entities individually make up the whole of our natural world and life-sustaining systems. The education and character development applies both to the young people of today, who are still in their formative years, and the adults who make decisions which have consequences in the real world. The book clearly articulates the development of virtues that result in desirable outcomes for all.

Furthermore, the drivers of consumption need to consider that environmental degradation eventually spills over into their own neighborhoods. After all, water flows and air circulates, taking pollution along with them. To be sure, there may be less contamination when the water and air reach their homes, but that should not deter polluters from being better global citizens. Plus, the wealthy are not immune to social problems. The waves of those problems reach their shores as well.

Rich or poor, the factors that make human beings tick vary. This is so even when their actions are identical. Simply stated, people’s motives may differ. Wenz notices this peculiarity in the human species but places the importance on the end results rather than the motivations. What matters is the flowering of humans and the environment. He writes:

[N]onanthropocentric environmentalists have reasons to favor traditional virtues because their exercise tends to protect the nonhuman environment. Anthropocentrists have reason to support the same virtues because their exercise promotes human flourishing. Nonanthropocentric and anthropocentric considerations regarding human virtue and vice are thus mutually reinforcing. Each is stronger in combination with the other than alone, a relationship I define as synergistic (197).

As the above quote suggests, a balance of human and nonhuman interests motivating an individual is probably the ideal. Nonetheless, the following example demonstrates the concept of dual stimuli at work. Consider a group of people acting out of concern for other humans and another group acting out of concern for the natural world. On the one hand, humans concerned about other humans may oppose the use of sport utility vehicles because it contributes to climate change which adversely affects poor people across the globe. On the other hand, humans concerned about the natural world might be troubled by climate change because it endangers the survival of many species. The motivations are different, but they result in less consumption of natural resources and more preservation of the environment, and more flourishing of humans (209-210). In the absence of a broader environmental ethic, human-centered ethics still manages to promote the well-being of the natural world because, on many occasions, what is good for humans and what is good for the environment coincide. Still, the environment may not get the full protection that it would under a more rigorous environmental ethic (Gruen, 58, 60). Of course, some people may be equally compelled by the welfare of human beings and a reverence for the natural world. Perhaps this dual concern is a more well-rounded approach, but people possess different value systems which originate from many places. Some people may wish to protect the environment because it has instrumental value. Others are motivated to preserve the environment because they regard nature with a sense of reverence and sees intrinsic worth; its value is independent of whether or not it serves human ends (220).

The book, Environmental Virtue Ethics, in its entirety, including Wenz’s chapter, wishes for a peaceful existence not only between human beings but also between the human species and the natural world. The desire is that people respect each other and nature. However, despite people having strong convictions, changing their ways of being in a society that operates counter to their principles is akin to swimming upstream. Wenz takes into account the nuances and complexities of culture and status quo which make it difficult to adhere to virtues to their full extent. He does not ask individuals to ditch their car, in a car-centric society, if it halts their flourishing. Yet that is not a valid excuse to drive a thirsty vehicle. Wenz posits alternatives that deviate from mainstream practice, like driving vehicles that are fuel efficient, driving less, or/and increasing use of public transportation. The message is to adopt practices that improve on existing ones while not causing disharmony in social relationships which are critical for human flourishing. He asks the individual to be the vanguard of trendsetters that help both humans and the natural world to blossom (210-211). As the example illustrates, modifying current lifestyles for the welfare of the global biotic community is not an all-or-nothing effort. This piece of news should be encouraging for someone who does not think their small efforts will make a difference in the grand scheme of things. There is plenty of middle ground. A small change is better than no change and a significant change is an improvement over a small correction. Permission is granted to act even in the smallest ways for a better outcome for the greater good.

The consequences of over-consumption of goods and services by people in wealthy nations and by elite groups in poor nations disproportionately afflict the already marginalized poor. This is both unjust and morally reprehensible. While social and environmental problems are real and grave concerns in the world of today, the solutions are simple and actionable. Consuming less and living with a concern for the human and nonhuman world are obvious choices. The cultivation of virtues encourages individuals to be more concerned for others and the natural world. A more ethical global community allows for greater cohesion among its members and better relations with the natural world. Therefore, when possible, whether by doing a little or doing a lot, human beings “should cultivate … virtues to benefit themselves, other human beings, and the nonhuman environment (212). Environmental Virtue Ethics inspires the fostering of virtues that benefit both humankind and the natural world that the species is a part of.

Works Cited

Cafaro, Philip, and Ronald D. Sandler. Environmental Virtue Ethics. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2004. Print.

“Global Policy Forum.” Land Ownership and Hunger. Global Policy Forum. Web. 14 Feb. 2016. .

Gruen, Lori, Dale Jamieson, and Christopher Schlottmann. Reflecting on Nature: Readings in Environmental Philosophy. New York: Oxford UP, 2013. Print.

TPP: What Could Possibly Go Wrong?

By Nick Egnatz.

The TPP (Trans Pacific Partnership) is a treaty between the U.S. and 11 other Pacific Rim nations. Together with the TTIP (Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) between the U.S. and the European Union countries and TiSA (Trade in Services Agreement) between the U.S. and 49 other nations, the three treaties represent what consumer advocate Ralph Nader calls a “corporate coup d’etat”.

This trio of treaties has been negotiated in secrecy for the last 7 years by 600 corporate lawyers and our State Department.  President Obama exerted his political muscle to obtain Fast Tract Authority that limits debate and forces Congress to vote up or down on the treaties without amendments.

Benignly called a trade deal, yet only 6 of the TPP’s 30 chapters deal with trade.

“The other two dozen chapters amount to a devilish ‘partnership’ for corporate protectionism. They create sweeping new ‘rights’ and escape hatches to protect multinational corporations from accountability to our governments… and to us.” Syndicated columnist Jim Hightower.[1]

As treaties, the U.S. Constitution’s Supremacy Clause will anoint the trio, “the supreme law of the land”, superior to all state law and to all prior federal law.

“By the Constitution of the United States, a treaty and a statute are placed on the same footing, and if the two are inconsistent, the one last in date will control, provided the stipulation of the treaty on the subject is self-executing”.[2]

Finally released on Nov. 5, 2015, the TPP now confronts us — 5,544 pages of undecipherable legalese. President Obama, the Republican Congress and just enough Democratic Members have joined hands with the huge transnational corporations singing kumbaya in praise of the TPP. What could possibly go wrong with it?

In 1994 President Clinton had similar rosy predictions that NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) would result in one million new jobs, twenty years later the Economic Policy Institute estimated that 700,000 jobs were lost to Mexico as a result of the treaty.[3]

Again in 2012, President Obama predicted 70,000 new jobs would result from the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS). The Economic Policy Institute instead says it has cost us 40,000 jobs.[4]

Obama has dispatched his Cabinet officers to the media, singing the treaty’s praises. But their refrain has fallen on ears that have heard it all before. Trade unions have been the backbone of support for the Democratic Party, yet every major trade union vehemently opposes the TPP. Environmental organizations oppose the TPP. Groups defending internet freedom, oppose the TPP.

AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka called NAFTA, TPP and TTIP

“thinly disguised tools to increase corporate profits by poisoning workers, polluting the environment and hiding information from consumers”.[5]

On the other side President Obama thinks that,

“We have an opportunity to set the most progressive trade agreement in our nation’s history”. (BarackObama.com)

Ralph Nader’s response:

“One must seriously question what President Obama and his corporate allies believe to be the definition of “progressive” when it comes to this grandiose statement. History shows the very opposite of progress when it comes to these democratic sovereignty-shredding and job-exporting corporate-driven trade treaties — unless progress is referring to fulfilling the deepest wishes of runaway global corporations”.[6]

Pulitzer Prize winning journalist Chris Hedges on the TPP:

“Corporations will be empowered to hold a wide variety of patents, including over plants and animals, turning basic necessities and the natural world into marketable products. And, just to make sure corporations extract every pound of flesh, any public law interpreted by corporations as impeding projected profit, even a law designed to protect the environment or consumers, will be subject to challenge in an entity called the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) section. The ISDS, bolstered and expanded under the TPP, will see corporations paid massive sums in compensation from offending governments for impeding their ‘right’ to further swell their bank accounts. Corporate profit effectively will replace the common good”.[7]

Sierra Club Executive Director Michael Brune also opposes the treaty:

“Congress must stand up for American jobs, clean air and water, and a healthy climate and environment by rejecting the Trans-Pacific Partnership”.[8]

President Obama’s Affordable Care Act, 11,000 pages of legalese, was unintelligible enough that the Constitutional law professor himself did not understand that many people would not be able to keep their health insurance policies when he promised them that they would. The TPP likewise makes general statements that environmental and labor standards will be upheld and then proceeds to offer pages and pages of unintelligible mumbo jumbo that pave the way for legal action challenging these generalities. Citizens, labor groups, environmental groups, etc. will have no standing to bring legal action within the TPP, TTIP and TiSA. Only the corporations are given the right to adjudicate claims and this will be done before secret tribunals of corporate lawyers.

What could possibly go wrong, indeed?

Nick Egnatz is a Vietnam vet who was named NW Indiana Citizen of the Year 2006 by the National Association of Social Workers for his anti war activism. 

Contact Nick at OccupyNick@yahoo.com

[1]. Hightower, Jim. “The Trans-Pacific Partnership is not about free trade. It’s a corporate coup d’etat–against us!“. Hightower – Lowdown. 30/8, Aug 2015.

[2]. Whitney v. Robertson, U.S. Supreme Court, 124 U.S. 190 (1888).

[3]. Scott, Robert E. “NAFTA’s Legacy: Growing U.S. Trade Deficits Cost 682,900 Jobs“. Economic Policy Institute. 17 Dec 2013.

[4]. “KORUS Has Cost the United States 40,000 Jobs: U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement has hurt the American economy, Trans-Pacific Partnership could be even worse”. Press release. Economic Policy Institute. 18 July 2013.

[5]. Vail, Bruce. “Rejecting TPP, AFL-CIO’s Trumka Calls for ‘Global New Deal’“. In These Times. 25 Mar 2014.

[6]. Nader, Ralph. “10 Reasons The TPP Is Not A ‘Progressive’ Trade Agreement“. Huffington Post. The Blog. 8 June 2015.

[7]. Hedges, Chris. “The Most Brazen Corporate Power Grab in American History“. Truthdig. 6 Nov 2015.

[8].Byrnes, Dan. “Sierra Club: Congress Should Reject Polluter-Friendly Trans-Pacific Partnership“. Sierra Club (Oklahoma Chapter). 5 Oct 2015.

News from Switzerland on Money Reform

 

Our sister organization in Switzerland, MoMo (Monetary Modernization) and its action arm Vollgeld Initiative (Sovereign Money Initiative), have just passed the 100,000 mark in collecting signatures to trigger a referendum on the Swiss money system. They started their drive in the spring of 2014 and had 18 months time to get the required amount of signatures. The notarized signatures will be handed over to the Swiss government on December 1.

As guest author Daniel Hersheson stated on Positive Money, that

. . . should the MoMo team succeed in putting such a fundamental reform proposal to a national vote, this would be a momentous achievement for the monetary reform movement in Europe and across the globe.  All eyes would be fixed on Switzerland, because success for this small but significant player in the financial arena would inevitably have a ripple effect in other countries[1].

So far at least two dozen Swiss news outlets shared the news and was picked up by Reuters.[4] The Swiss paper Die Blick seems even moderately positive about the initiative and interviewed respectfully one of its initiators, the economist Reinhold Harringer.[2]

The text of the initiative proposes to amend the Swiss constitution such that (these are my chosen highlights and translations)

1) ” The federal government guarantees the maintenance of the economy with money and financial services”.

2) “The federal government alone creates coins, banknotes and electronic money as legal tender”.

3) “The Swiss National Bank enacts as an independent Central Bank a monetary policy which serves the overall welfare of the country; it controls the money supply and ensures the functioning of payments as well as to maintain the economy with credit to the financial service providers”.

4) “Under its legal mandate it spends newly created money debt free into circulation, either through the federal state, the cantons, or directly assign it to citizens”[3].

In the Reuters article Momo spokesman Raffael Wuethrich was quoted, stating that it might still take five years for the referendum to take place.[4]

[1] Hersheson, Daniel. “Campaign for Monetary Reform – News from Switzerland“. 18 Dec 2013. Positive Money.

[2] Studer, Rudy. “105’000 beglaubigte Unterschriften: Vollgeld-Initiative kommt zustande“. Die Blick.  31 Oct 2015.

[3] Federal popular initiative. “For crisis-resilient money: Money creation solely by the National Bank! (Full Money Initiative) “

[4] Miller, John. “Swiss group says it has signatures for ‘sovereign money’ vote“. Reuters. 31 Oct 2015.

The Controlled Demolition of WTC 1, 2, 7 and of its Official Explanation

In less time than the duration between American Airline Flight 11 crashing into World Trade Center One on September 11, 2001, and its total collapse 102 minutes later, one can experience the controlled demolition of the official version presented by the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST) of how the collapse allegedly happened through a combination of structural damage and fire-induced failure. By placing scientific facts at the many weak points of the NIST structure a group of experts representing the more than 2,300 professional members of Architects & Engineers for 9/11 Truth effectively demolished the NIST report and send its authors back to engineering school.

In their recently published booklet, “Beyond Misinformation: What Science Says about the Destruction of World Trade Center Buildings 1, 2, and 7“, the authors make the case that the NIST hypothesis was grossly under-developed because a) it only speculates about how the collapse could have been initiated, but gives no analysis whatsoever of the building’s behavior during its destruction; b) it ignores recordings and eyewitness accounts of explosions while also misrepresenting the occurrence of molten steel and smoke puffs occurring before and below the cascading collapse, all indicating the possibility of controlled demolition; and c) NIST’s inadequate responses to “Requests for Correction” by critical experts pointing to serious flaws.

While the NIST study admits it cannot provide a full explanation of the collapse, the A&E report makes a strong case that “the hypothesis of controlled demolition readily, simply, and completely explains all of the evidence regarding the structural behavior of WTC 1 and WTC 2 during their destruction” (p. 23). The evidence discussed ranges from the statistical improbability of total collapse of high-rise steel buildings; the sudden onset of the collapse; the constant acceleration of their fall as if nothing existed below to slow the cascade; the enormous energy needed for the pulverization, dismemberment, and explosive ejection of materials; the occurrence of demolition squibs; and the eyewitness accounts of explosions.

On top of that the A&E report also presents the forensic evidence of “high-temperature thermitic reactions” before, during and after the destruction of the buildings (pp. 30-37). Molten metal was seen pouring out of WTC 2 and was found in the debris; the few samples of steel investigated had sulfidated; four samples of WTC dust contained spherules and other composite particles indicating temperatures much higher (2,800F) than officially acknowledged (1,000F); and the smoking gun was the discovery of unreacted nano-thermite in the dust samples. Note well that this last finding means that traces of explosives were found which had not yet detonated!

While overall the main stream media and many technical journals ignore these findings, it is obviously up to civic society, comprised of grass-root organizations and activist individuals, to present truth to power and fight the good political fight to get the real culprits of 9/11 apprehended. I invite you to click on the booklet and spend $2.50 [as of 12/20/15 the booklet is free] and 100 minutes to see why.

A&E-Cover

Hearing on Monetary Reform in Holland

The October 14, 2015 hearing at the finance commission of the Dutch parliament regarding monetary reform was a milestone for the Dutch and international movement. The 140 minute long hearing can be watched on-line and will soon be provided with English subtitles [1]. This momentous event was triggered by a citizens’ initiative by  the Dutch monetary reform organization Ons Geld (Our Money) and the satirical theater group De Verleiders (The Seducers), which gathered more than 100,000 signatures, comfortably over the 40,000 needed. The first panel at the hearing, comprised of members of the citizens’ initiative, gave a very clear exposition of its proposals and during the second panel, comprised of financial authorities, bankers and academics, an outstanding debate developed between Dr. Bezemer and Dr. van Egmond about the necessity of reform.

Van Egmond made some very clear and passionate points in favor of reform. He seems to be totally on board with the monetary reform agenda, which is a great boon as he is not only a respected sustainability scholar, but also a founding member of the Sustainable Finance Lab at the University of Utrecht and, most importantly, a member of the very influential Dutch advisory council De Sociaal-Economische Raad (The Social-Economic Council).

Actually van Egmond co-wrote a working paper with Dr. de Vries titled “Dynamics of a sustainable financial-economic system”[7], which presents a “dynamic simulation model” in which the recent research into the nature of bank credit money by Dr. Werner [9,10] is incorporated.

“The model provides the ‘laboratory’ setting in which the discontinuities and associated socio-economic un-sustainability of the current financial-economic system can be studied and the feasibility of more sustainable alternatives can be explored”[7].

As far as I know the paper by van Egmond and de Vries is the third one to model the sovereign money proposal after the papers by Drs. Benes and Kumhof at the IMF [6] and Dr. Yamaguchi from Japan [11]. They all come to very positive conclusions regarding the proposal.

To be complete, there does exist a very recent fourth paper by Drs. Van Suntum and Neugebauer of the Center for Applied Economics Muenster, Germany. They investigated and modeled the Swiss sovereign money proposal and concluded that it was promising way more than could be realistically expected, even stating that “[m]ost of its desired effects are either negative or wishful thinking”[8].

In a response Dr. Huber, a long-time advocate of sovereign money [2] and critic of its alternatives [3,4], challenges the assumptions on which the authors had based their model, especially their idea that sovereign money would just be added to the already existing pool of money, instead of realizing that “Sovereign money – in its original and proper meaning – is a replacement for bankmoney, not an addition to the existing quantities of bankmoney”[5].

Govert Schuller
Naperville, October 20, 2015

Sources

[1]. “Round table conversation on the money system”. 2015. Hearing at the Permanent Commission on Finance of the Second Chamber of the States General of the Netherlands. Troelstra Hall. 14 Oct 2015. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3TSb9gBdyVE

[2]. Huber, Joseph & Robertson, James. 2000. Creating New Money. London: New Economics Foundation.

[3]. Huber, Joseph. 2014a. “Modern Money Theory and New Currency Theory”. Real-world economics review 66, (13 January 2014): 38-57. http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue66/Huber66.pdf

[4]. Huber, Joseph. 2014b. “Sovereign Money in Critical Context: Responding to criticism of monetary reform from a variety of economic viewpoints”. Source: sovereignmoney.eu/papers-and-manuscripts, Oct 2014. http://www.sovereignmoney.eu/sovereign-money-in-critical-context

[5]. Huber, Joseph. 2015. “Side notes to” van Suntum, Ulrich & Neugebauer, Tom. 2015. Link to note at http://www.sovereignmoney.eu/confronting-criticism/.

[6]. Kumhof, Michael & Benes, Jaromir. 2012. “The Chicago Plan Revisited”. IMF Working Papers 12/202, International Monetary Fund. http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/wp/2012/wp12202.pdf

[7]. Van Egmond, N.D. &  de Vries, B.J.M . 2015. “Dynamics of a sustainable financial-economic system”. Sustainable Finance Lab Working Paper. http://sustainablefinancelab.nl/files/2015/04/SFM-working-paper.pdf

[8]. van Suntum, Ulrich & Neugebauer, Tom. 2015. “Vollgeld, Public Debt, and the Natural Rate of Interest”. Working Paper, Centrum für Angewandte Wirtschaftsforschung Münster (CAWM), June 2015. Link to paper at http://www.sovereignmoney.eu/confronting-criticism/.

[9]. Werner, Richard A. 2014a. “Can banks individually create money out of nothing? The theories and the empirical evidence”. International Review of Financial Analysis, 36 (2014): 1–19. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1057521914001070

[10]. Werner, Richard A. 2014b. “How do banks create money, and why can other firms not do the same? An explanation for the coexistence of lending and deposit-taking”. International Review of Financial Analysis, 36 (2014): 71–77. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1057521914001434

[11]. Yamaguchi, Kaoru. 2011. “Workings of a Public Money System of Open Macroeconomies: Modeling the American Monetary Act Completed”. In Proceedings of the 29th International Conference of the System Dynamics Society, Washington D.C., USA, 2011. The System Dynamics Society. http://monetary.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/11/DesignOpenMacro.pdf